The Quad's Critical Minerals Initiative provides an important platform for achieving these objectives. Through coordinated investments, technology sharing and supply-chain diversification, the initiative seeks to create resilient and transparent mineral supply networks. Australia contributes abundant mineral reserves, Japan offers advanced processing technologies, the United States brings investment and innovation capabilities, while India provides a rapidly expanding market and growing manufacturing base.

Renewing the Ganges Water Sharing Treaty could also serve as an important confidence-building measure between Bangladesh and India. A renewed agreement would help restore mutual trust and strengthen regional cooperation over shared water resources. It would further reinforce the role of the Joint Rivers Commission (JRC), which remains a key institutional mechanism for addressing transboundary river issues.

By recognising Pakistan’s role in the Iran crisis, Brussels is signalling that influence in today's international system is increasingly distributed across multiple actors, not concentrated solely in Washington, Beijing, or Moscow. This fits with the EU’s broader effort to develop a more autonomous and flexible foreign policy in a more multipolar world.

China is a major defence exporter for Myanmar, but it has been arming both the Tatmadaw and the rebel forces. China’s aim is to secure its strategic highway through Myanmar to the Bay of Bengal and counter American and Indian influence in the region, including Myanmar and Bangladesh.

On all these fronts, the Quad is more consequential, based on geography, capability, necessity and the absence of any better alternative. AUKUS’ scope is seen as too narrow, while Camp David is too regional, and the Squad is too limited. Bilateral alliances are too fragmented, while the Quad is seen to have the scale, reach and flexibility to connect the Indian Ocean and Pacific theatres into one strategic framework

History offers a different lesson now: had India’s proposal been accepted, the war might have ended with far fewer casualties. Instead, the LTTE’s miscalculation culminated in Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination—driven by fears that his return to power would bring back the Indian Peace Keeping Force. The belief that opposing India could achieve a separate Tamil state proved catastrophic.

Trump’s demand for Pakistan to recognize Israel threatens to trigger serious domestic backlash inside the country. Public sentiment in Pakistan overwhelmingly supports the Palestinian cause, while religious and political groups strongly oppose normalization with Israel without the creation of an independent Palestinian state.

Chinese social media reactions to Rubio’s visit also reflected a degree of skepticism and criticism towards India. Several commentators focused on developmental and infrastructural contrasts between India and China. Discussions surrounding traffic congestion, pollution, aging infrastructure, and even the extreme summer temperatures in northern India were used by some online voices to project what they described as a “dismal” picture of India. 

The Putin–Xi meeting, therefore, should not be interpreted as the birth of a fixed anti-American alliance. Rather, it reflects a flexible alignment whose cooperation is strongest where grievances overlap, but weakest where ambitions collide. Putin and Xi are united more by pressure than by trust. They are aligned in opposing American dominance, but not necessarily in supporting each other’s long-term rise.

Though with a Muslim population much larger than most of the OIC member countries, India has not been given its membership due to Pakistan’s objection and, unlike Russia, has not applied for observer status either. However, organisers of the KazanForum invited local Indian Consul General Jeysundkhar, who is based in Kazan, for the special session "Greater Eurasian Partnership: Development Strategy" 

However, the visit clarified one important reality: despite periodic friction over trade, tariffs, Russia, immigration, or strategic autonomy, neither India nor the United States presently has the luxury of disengagement. The relationship may no longer carry the earlier romanticism of “natural allies,” but it continues to be driven by geopolitical realities - energy security, China’s rise, maritime stability, technology supply chains, and the changing balance of power in the Indo-Pacific.

For many in India and Sri Lanka, however, the memory of the assassination remains raw. Rajiv Gandhi’s killing was not merely the death of a much-loved former prime minister; it marked the violent spillover of the Sri Lankan ethnic conflict into India itself.  

Non-nuclear weapon states arrived at the conference with legitimate frustration. Nuclear arsenals are being modernized at enormous cost. The New START Treaty expired in February 2026 without a successor framework — the first time since the early 1970s that no binding limits govern the strategic arsenals of the United States and Russia. China is expanding its arsenal faster than any other nuclear power.

The Afghanistan Freedom Front was formed in March 2022 under the leadership of Gen. Yasin Zia, the former Chief of General Staff of the Afghan National Army. The force comprises mainly the former members of the Afghan National Security Forces, trained soldiers and experienced officers, former defenders of Afghanistan against the Taliban under a democratically-elected government who are now stateless, exiles, and warriors once again.

The real question for South Asia is not whether to engage with China. That question is already settled. Every country in the region engages with China in some way. The real question is how to engage wisely. South Asian governments need transparency in project contracts, stronger debt management, competitive bidding, parliamentary oversight, environmental safeguards, and public debate before signing major deals.