In the last two years, both countries have had 18 bilateral visits; Bangladesh sent 7 delegations to the US while the US sent 11 delegations, including the latest visit of Assistant Secretary of State Donald Lu.
Bangladesh has survived partition, the liberation war, famine, floods, military coups, and democratic collapse. It has always returned. But returning is not the same as resolving. Fifty-six years after independence, the founding paradox remains: a nation whose birth is still debated cannot fully inhabit its future. The gun salutes will be loud and unambiguous. The questions they echo, however, about what Bangladesh is, who founded it, and whose vision should guide it, remain, as they have always been
For India, this raises complex challenges. Historically, India has positioned itself as a strong advocate of anti-colonialism and sovereignty. However, in the current context, its responses have often appeared measured and cautious, despite the direct implications for its interests—ranging from energy security and regional stability to strategic initiatives such as connectivity through Iran.
For India, the failure is particularly significant as its presidency was an opportunity to translate “strategic autonomy”, the current buzzword in foreign policy circles, into multilateral leadership. True, its response is shaped by structural constraints. The country imports more than 85% of its crude oil, much of it from West Asia and Russia. Some nine million of its citizens live in the Gulf. The United States is its largest trading partner. Iran anchors the Chabahar port project and India’s access to Afghanistan and Central Asia. Each relationship is too consequential to risk.
A key consideration for Delhi is Bhutan’s occasional denial or downplay of any Chinese encroachment on its territory, even when satellite data suggests otherwise. This is coupled with a growing perception within Bhutan that India is preventing it from completing its border negotiations with China. Although Thimphu remains closely aligned with Delhi, there is growing interest in expanding its engagement with China.
In the last two years, both countries have had 18 bilateral visits; Bangladesh sent 7 delegations to the US while the US sent 11 delegations, including the latest visit of Assistant Secretary of State Donald Lu.
With constant attacks on CPEC projects and Chinese workers, protests breaking out across the nation against economic hardships, and an increase in internal terrorism, Islamabad is being forced to ramp up its military even while it is being spread thin due to increasing crisis points requiring its attention.
Afghanistan is important to India’s continental economic aspirations, including closer ties with Central Asia and Iran. These goals are currently hampered by Pakistan’s blockade of Indian access to the region.
Between 2008 and 2021, the sectoral economic transition witnessed in most countries in South Asia - and in other parts of Asia - has reduced the sectoral share of GDP in agriculture and also the employment burden on agriculture in most countries. This trend, however, changed in the wake of Covid -19 when the share of agriculture in GDP in countries rose along with share of employment.
As of December 2022, the total dues to developing countries by developed countries stand at about USD 1 trillion whereas only about USD 10 billion have been disbursed through Green Climate Fund till now.
Bangladesh always has had good terms with the US and is one of the largest recipients of US government and private aid. But as the geopolitics of the Indo-Pacific region becomes heated, it has brought in its wake diverse interests that Bangladesh is not ready to cater to as yet.
The question is whether Adani, also the world's third richest man, is also sensing shifting political sands in India and is preparing to stabilize himself so as not to trip if such an eventuality comes to be. The answer will unfold over several months until 2024.
With the Communists back in power in Kathmandu, China will be able to push its own agenda, as well as that of Pakistan, in Nepal. It has cross-border ramifications for India at the tactical level, as well as larger ones at the strategic level when seen in concert with Chinese moves in Bhutan and Myanmar.
As Bhutan celebrates 50 years of introducing Gross National Happiness to the world, it has had a sizable impact on the political, social, environmental, and economic aspects of Bhutan. It is time for the world to give the concept more importance and conduct research on it.
Delhi views Munir as a hardliner; so it is expected the COAS may use all resources against India to tarnish India`s image through information warfare or other means to perpetuate friction.
The US would love an India-China war - India becoming the Ukraine of the Indo-Pacific. The US administration would be ready to sell any amount of weaponry to India – nothing gratis of course.
The human security status of Sri Lanka has depreciated due to deep-seated and pervasive issues linked to the country's economy and politics. To overcome pressing challenges related to human security, the government needs to have a well-designed policy framework in place.
The right-wing and Islamist political forces that have always maintained connections with violent extremist forces are exerting their influence in Bangladeshi society. This is an ominous sign in this part of the world.
The political events, including those inside the once monolith MDP, are playing out at a time when Defence Minister Mariya Didi claimed that the recent raids, arrests and explosives seizure in capital Male and southern Addu City related to the "most dangerous terror-plot" in the country.
There is a simple but fundamental truth – good relations, trust and cooperation are critical among neighbours, both within India's borders and across it.