India’s role in the Middle East crisis is defined not by presence at negotiation tables but by its ability to sustain stability around them.While Pakistan facilitates talks between the US and Iran in Islamabad, India underwrites the broader security architecture through its maritime presence, economic weight, and multi-aligned diplomacy.
The Indus Waters Treaty has lasted more than 60 years, illustrating diplomacy's ability to handle one of South Asia's most sensitive resources. However, climate change and geopolitical tensions have called into question its significance. To guarantee that the treaty continues to prevent war and promote shared prosperity, Indian and Pakistani governments must update its provisions, invest in joint institutions, and view water as a shared strategic asset rather than a source of friction.
Iran's demonstrated endurance to maintain its intrinsic rights to nuclear enrichment as an NPT state even under sanctions and its willingness to escalate without collapsing, is an important consideration for the Iranian regime. This issue was centre stage at the collapsed Islamabad negotiations. How Iran shapes its stand will be centre piece of future negotiations.
Iran’s role in this transformation is central. Its ability to influence the Strait has reshaped strategic thinking across the region and beyond. External powers must now operate within constraints that did not exist before. For the Gulf states, the implications are immediate and tangible. Their economic lifelines pass through this narrow corridor. Any disruption affects not only revenue but also national security.For the broader international community, the lesson is clear.
The data for South Asia shows that Maldives is the most globally integrated country in the region followed by Nepal, India, Sri Lanka, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Pakistan in terms of the average percentage of exports that formed part of the global value chain during the period 2019-2021.
Women in Bangladesh often have limited access to financial services, which can make it difficult for them to cope with climate change impacts such as floods, droughts, or cyclones. Digital financial products such as mobile banking and digital savings accounts can help to overcome these barriers and increase financial inclusion among women.
This overbearing numbers-driven outlook has, so far, defined policy on international education. However, if India-Australia relations are to reflect a genuine partnership, the narrative needs to shift from transactional to transformational. This requires that the very purpose behind international education is dramatically rethought and altered.
Karachi was the first Pakistani city to benefit from nuclear energy after KANUPP was connected to the grid. The inauguration of K-2 and now K-3 is a milestone in Pakistan’s quest to increase the share of clean nuclear energy.
If US-Pakistan ties were to deteriorate further, Islamabad has limited options since Beijing in recent months has clearly shown that it will assist Pakistan in dealing with its economic problems only up to a point.
There has been an outpouring of support for ethnic minorities among protesters of the regime, particularly among the younger generation, who believe that a lasting peace in Myanmar can only be achieved if it includes all of Myanmar's citizens, regardless of class, ethnicity, or religious affiliation. This shift in empathy has also altered long-held perceptions of the Rohingya.
Such deliberations around the themes of interfaith harmony, pluralism, diversity, and solidarity bring hope, and perhaps signify the need and readiness among Indians to start reconsidering their nation’s pluralist legacy.
The first proactive approach for Pakistan should be to restore peaceful, friendly relations with India. Prime Minister Modi is fully focused on developing India industrially and economically and a war with Pakistan would be his last option. India and Pakistan are spending excessive resources on building their military warfare due to mutual suspicion. This helps neither India nor Pakistan.
India offers the opportunity to interconnect the Bangladesh, Bhutan, and Nepal electricity supply industries. The possibility of using Indian power infrastructure for electricity trade between Nepal and Bangladesh is another facet of India's neighborhood engagement.
While the I2U2 – often referred to as the Middle Eastern Quad -- grouping is a strong illustration of changing landscape of the Middle East, and India's strong ties with all the other countries which are part of the grouping, the India-UAE-France trilateral is interesting because while all three countries have robust relations with the US, there are foreign policy divergences on a number of issues.
It is necessary for the two sides to revive their bilateral strategic dialogue, rather than just confining it to border negotiations. Both sides should also continue to attach importance to exchanging views and sending out positive signals through multilateral platforms like G20, SCO and BRICS.
If Pakistan can capitalize on its close relations with Turkey in organizations like the OIC over the issue of Kashmir, India should look for possibilities to strengthen ties with its old friend Egypt whose leader Sisi has good relations with the United States, Israel and UAE. In other words, a new UAE- Israel- Egypt- India axis can be an alternative to the Pakistan- Iran-Turkey axis in an emerging global order.
As such these groups are part of an oppressive, sectarian politics, which abhors the free choice of youngsters in particular. Real reasons for this intolerant behavior have to be looked for in their overall agenda to curtail liberalism, and pluralism, and to constrain the democratic ethos of the country.
The duplicity of Erdogan and his dream of championing Islam in South Asia emanates from his close proximity with Pakistan, his appeasement of China and his bombastic statements to gain importance in the Muslim community. For now, India must tread cautiously and be prepared for what kind of Turkish delight its "dost" now prepares to serve in the earthquake's aftermath.
By 1844 shells were still coming from the Maldives to Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) and Bengal, but Chittagong (now Bangladesh) and Calcutta had now replaced Balasore as the destination. Finally, by the time of World War I, this cowrie trade between Maldives and Bengal region had died down.
