India-bashing is a preferred pasttime for opposition politicians in countries like Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka, not to mention Pakistan and Afghanistan, writes N. Sathiya Moorthy for South Asia Monitor
The current strains in Bangladesh–India relations should therefore be seen not as an inevitable deterioration, but as a test of diplomatic maturity. Bangladesh and India share more than geography and history; they share a responsibility to ensure that temporary political frictions do not harden into structural mistrust. In a time of regional uncertainty, neither country benefits from a relationship defined by grievance or miscommunication.
The 27th Amendment, celebrated by its proponents as a security reform, is in reality a political coup executed through constitutional means. It marks not only Munir’s personal triumph but the institutional victory of the military over all other state authorities. As history warns, empowering any unelected institution above the republic’s elected will invites instability—not strength. Pakistan may soon discover that consolidating military power does not secure the nation’s future, but instead places it at greater risk
India must now transition from conventional soft-power thinking to visibility governance—the systematic management of how the country appears, circulates, and is emotionally interpreted across global platforms. Failure to do so will leave India’s global image increasingly shaped by commercial incentives outside Indian control.
The strengthening of Taliban-India ties runs counter to Pakistan’s interests. The more border clashes intensify between the Taliban and Pakistan, the more secure the Kashmir region and the Line of Control (LoC) become for India. Under such conditions, Pakistan will remain preoccupied with its northwestern border, giving India a unique opportunity to consolidate its control over Kashmir and potentially weaken, drive out, or eliminate Kashmiri militant groups
India-bashing is a preferred pasttime for opposition politicians in countries like Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka, not to mention Pakistan and Afghanistan, writes N. Sathiya Moorthy for South Asia Monitor
Only adequate remuneration and commensurate punishment for infringement can the practice of illegal gratification be significantly reduced, if not eliminated, writes Amb Sarvajit Chakravarti (retd) for South Asia Monitor
Bangladesh has proved its capacity by building a 6.15 km bridge over the country's second toughest river using its own money, writes Fumiko Yamada for South Asia Monitor
Those who were not part of the anti-British struggle had roots in the ideologies of landlord-clergy combine. They articulated nationalism in the name of religion, called it cultural nationalism, writes Dr Ram Puniyani for South Asia Monitor
Myanmar and Bangladesh must cooperate in a neighbourly manner. Resolving the regional humanitarian problem will benefit the entire region of South Asia and Southeast Asia, writes Parvej Siddique Bhuiyan for South Asia Monitor
In view of the growing trade and cultural ties between India and the Arab world, it will be disastrous if differences aggravate and no remedial and timely actions are taken, writes Asif Rameez Daudi for South Asia Monitor
Beginning with Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru till Narendra Modi, we have a tendency to associate divine qualities to a political leader, writes Dr. Suparna Banerjee for South Asia Monitor
Covid-19 pandemic and Sri Lanka's crisis are the best examples for all member states to try their level best to revitalize SAARC, writes Dr Shakuntala Bhabani for South Asia Monitor
The major political parties in India need to oppose the gross violations of the Constitution, the bulldozer (in)justice and beating of accused in custody, writes Dr Ram Puniyani for South Asia Monitor
Unlike Myanmar and India, Bangladesh has never, particularly since 1991, promoted any discriminatory policy against minorities, writes Samina Akhter for South Asia Monitor
A number of factors in Pakistan such as the alarming economic situation, continued grey-listing by the FATF, growing terrorism challenges created the exigency for a reset in its ties with Washington, writes Shraddha Nand Bhatnagar for South Asia Monitor
But the democratic world, mainly the US, already lost its battle for democracy in South and Central Asia by allowing the collapse of the the Afghan Republic, writes Fahim Sadat for South Asia Monitor
The Taliban, on the other hand, assiduously tried to exert themselves as an independent sovereign authority in Afghanistan, which was also reflected in the series of interviews that the group’s senior leaders gave to Indian media just before Singh’s visit. They also assured, on multiple occasions, that if New Delhi decided to re-open its embassy, they will be provided security, India’s prime concern, writes Shraddha Nand Bhatnagar for South Asia Monitor
The policy dilemmas which the economies of South Asia face call for collective thinking, although each country may have to pursue its own strategy, writes Partha Pratim Mitra for South Asia Monitor
Now the BJP may begin to have second thoughts about aggressive pro-Hindu tactics. Even if it has won over large sections of the communal-minded Hindus at home, it will be wary of an Arab boycott of Indian products abroad, writes Amulya Ganguli for South Asia Monitor