Humans have always pretended we can resist new inventions, from the printing press to electricity to computers, only to discover that the world shifts regardless. AI is different only in degree, not in pattern. It moves faster than our debates, scales faster than our regulations, and integrates faster than our instincts. The question is no longer whether AI will matter. It is whether we will matter in deciding how it is used.
The broader geopolitical implications of Modi’s visit are equally significant. India’s expanding footprint in West Asia reflects its transition from a traditionally non-aligned actor to a proactive participant in regional affairs. Unlike major powers that often approach the region through rigid alliances, India seeks flexible partnerships rooted in strategic autonomy. Its engagement spans Israel, the Gulf monarchies, and Iran, allowing it to maintain a diversified diplomatic portfolio.
The larger lesson is sobering. Pakistan’s experience illustrates the perils of instrumentalising militant proxies for short-term strategic gain. Strategic depth, once viewed as a force multiplier, has become a source of strategic vulnerability. As Islamabad turns to air power to manage a problem decades in the making, the deeper fracture lies not just along the Durand Line—but within the logic of proxy warfare itself.
However, a balanced assessment suggests that India’s superpower trajectory could also generate opportunities for Bangladesh. Enhanced regional connectivity, expanded market access, greater investment flows, and improved regional stability could benefit Dhaka—provided cooperation and mutual respect remain central to bilateral engagement. Ultimately, the impact on Bangladesh will depend not only on India’s power trajectory but also on how both countries manage diplomacy, trust-building, and regional cooperation in an evolving geopolitical landscape.
The most probable outcome in Tianjin is what one Indian diplomat called a “tactical pause.” A cooling of tensions, a resumption of some economic and security dialogues, perhaps even a roadmap for regular high-level contact. That would be enough to stabilise the border and signal to Washington that India has options.
India is a responsible nuclear power, the world’s fastest-growing major economy, and a civilisation-state that does not live on borrowed credibility. It has the patience to navigate provocation and the capacity to respond decisively. If Pakistan’s military flirts with Armageddon, India will respond “BrahMostically” with unmatched precision and power.
Whether dominated by China's singular might, led by India's democratic coalition, or governed through shared stewardship, the path Asia takes by 2050 will profoundly influence the global balance of power, ethical governance, and economic prosperity. India's role, whether as counterweight or partner to China, will be critical.
A seminal 2020 study by Das and Talukdar outlines the socio-economic and political consequences of this migration. The authors note that the influx, particularly post-1971, has led to widespread fear among Assamese communities about becoming minorities in their own homeland. Migration has altered landholding patterns, changed linguistic profiles, and generated social unrest.
With the steady return of Chinese tourists as well as expanding trade, China’s growing commercial footprint in Nepal is forcing Kathmandu to search for balance and sustainability in its economic engagement with China. It will also perhaps move India to compete more selectively to secure its commercial presence in the face of a resurgent Chinese involvement.
India should reiterate its strategic autonomy publicly while making clear that it views strong ties with the US as vital. India insists its oil purchases from Russia are driven by economic necessity, not geopolitics, while questioning US-EU hypocrisy on Russia sanctions. Counter Trump's alignment with Pakistan and inflammatory rhetoric by highlighting India’s reliability as a global partner and democratic ally in the Indo‑Pacific.
The unintended winner in this drama may well be China. Not just because Modi plans to travel to Beijing. If the trade standoff continues, Indian exporters—particularly in labor-intensive sectors like textiles, pharmaceuticals, electronics, and jewelry—will lose market share to Chinese and Vietnamese rivals, not to speak of South Asian rivals like Bangladesh and Pakistan, at least on textiles.
India has many of the core ingredients necessary for AI leadership: A large and growing pool of STEM graduates (over one million annually). Pioneering digital public infrastructure, including Aadhaar, UPI, and CoWIN.Rich linguistic and cultural diversity to train context-sensitive, globally adaptable AI models.
In the light of his calculated avoidance of any media interaction in the last 11 years, it is unlikely that he would be asked what he meant by “personal price”. For a prime minister to say something that serious in such categorical terms requires attention. Conversely, it may just be in keeping with his penchant for political theater to keep his opponents and supporters guessing what he meant.
According to the World Inequality Lab, the top 1% own over 40% of India's total wealth. The starkness of this trend is apparent: a "rising India" for a few, but ongoing deprivation for the majority.
Which is why, the recent attacks on the ancestral homes of Tagore and Satyajit Ray, who are Indian but are also both global icons of Bengali culture, indicate considerable confusion in the thinking that is guiding Bangladesh policy since Hasina fled Dhaka. Has Islam and the Islamic identity subsumed the Bengali identity and culture of Bangladesh?
Bihar's 2025 electoral revision controversy is not only a national alarm bell but reveals how easily democratic process can be exclusionary under the guise of order; how silence can mask erasure. To preserve democracy, India must reimagine governance not as a gatekeeper of rights but as a facilitator of justice; it must transition from exclusionary governance to one rooted in dignity, justice, and participation, as voting is not just a right but recognition.
A hug, even an awkward or forced one, between Modi and any world leader, particularly Trump will have no bearing on his policy however much he continues to refer to both India and the prime minister as his friend. At best, it is a lip-deep expression that so many Indians, both here in America and in India, have treated as an article of faith. It is anything but that.
This client-state relationship is critical for the illusionary perseverance of Pakistani relevance. Pakistan becomes indispensable not because it is reliable, but because it's situationally useful. The US, China, and Gulf states don’t expect consistency, they expect deliverables. As long as Pakistan delivers (or threatens to disrupt), it retains leverage.
Trump’s renewed tariff war may upend the global trade landscape once again, but India is well-positioned to weather the storm. Its strong domestic economic fundamentals, relatively low dependence on merchandise exports for GDP growth, and diversified export base put it at a strategic advantage—particularly over export-heavy rivals like Vietnam and China.
