Air power will remain central to national security. Whether India has enough of it, in the right form, and can afford it in scarce dollars, is still an open question. ACM Singh is to be commended for his distinguished service and stellar leadership – and more importantly – rendering objective professional advice to the apex leadership, an increasingly rare trait in the current times.
Under conditions of what is increasingly described as the "Great Fragmentation," Sri Lanka's geographic proximity to India should be viewed as a strategic advantage rather than a liability. Properly managed, this strategic reality could help transform Sri Lanka into a prosperous and stable nation.
The September 27 firing is therefore best seen as the beginning of a new phase in Pakistan’s naval modernization. The larger strategic question is still open. Whether Hangor changes the regional maritime balance will depend on what comes next
The Great Nicobar Island Development Project (GNIDP) is a mammoth venture by India to strategically strengthen its presence in the Andaman Sea and Southeast Asia with its own transshipment hub. The mega-infrastructure project spans approximately166.10 sq km covering about 15% of the total landmass of Great Nicobar Island at the southernmost tip of the Andaman and Nicobar archipelago.
An Emirati airline, an Indian captain, Israeli passengers, and Saudi authorities all played a part. India, re-elected to the ICAO Council last year, is well placed to push these standards into global aviation rules. The best tribute to Captain Machchhar is making sure the next crew never needs a hero.
Canada hosts close to 1.9 million persons of Indian Origin (PIOs) and 3% of Canada’s population, one of the largest ethnic groups in Canada’s multiethnic and multicultural society. Although immigration policy of Canada has tightened in recent years, yet a lot of students who study in Canada prefer to stay back and work in Canada acquiring permanent residency and citizenship.
It would also explain why Pakistan is trying to preserve a distinction between supporting Saudi Arabia and fighting the Houthis. Pakistan has every reason to avoid another open-ended conflict in the Middle East. Its military is heavily committed to its own security challenges. Its economy cannot easily absorb the political and financial consequences
EU and India could establish a regular EU–India-Middle East Consultative Mechanism involving foreign-policy officials and experts. Its purpose would be to coordinate positions before major international gatherings and meetings.
For Sri Lankan politics, this is more than diplomatic sightseeing. It raises a fundamental question whether the JVP is developing a sophisticated strategy of balancing relations with India and China or is it gradually adapting itself to the organisational models of powerful one-party or dominant-party systems in China and India respectively?
The ongoing civil war in Myanmar has caused an influx of armed cadres (Meitei, Naga and Kuki) into Manipur's border tracts like Kamjong district, further squeezing finite land resources and aggravating historical territorial disputes. What began as a localized dispute under the state's newly elected government in February 2026 has escalated into intense, multi-district armed warfare.
Hamidullah’s tenure has been marked by promotion of Bangladesh's soft power, with the envoy going around the country underlining the deep roots of people-to-people ties.
India must also recognise that Pakistan's internal security crisis has wider regional implications. Escalating Pakistan–Afghanistan tensions could create additional uncertainty along the western frontier, while attacks on Chinese projects could affect regional connectivity and investment.
India has demonstrated that it can develop and manufacture modern artillery systems. What needs reassessment is how quickly we acquire, integrate and field them, and how effectively we ensure that new technologies communicate and operate together.
If India says the security of its Northeast, border management, trade and connectivity matter, Bangladesh can equally say that water sharing, deaths at the border, market access, energy security, river management and sovereign equality matter to it.
The Indian military views no disengagement in Arunachal Pradesh as part of a wider strategic recalibration, prompting India to match Chinese force rebalancing by shifting strike corps and resources equally across both northern and eastern fronts.
BRICS is acquiring greater visibility, while countries of the Global South continue to seek a greater voice in the international system. The desire for a more multipolar world is becoming increasingly evident. Over the next decade, this could produce a geopolitical configuration rather different from the one we have known since the end of the Cold War.
Kuhn says if the first half of this century is being defined by USA-China relations, the second half may well be defined by India-China relations and, in the New World Order, "India-China relations will likely become the most pivotal.....for the entire world".
The strategic equation has irrevocably shifted. Pakistan’s long-standing attempt to separate itself from its proxies has failed, replaced by the reality of a state struggling with the infrastructure it created. As these groups operate with increasing autonomy, the world community is left with a clear conclusion
Supported by the Transboundary Rivers of South Asia Programme (TROSA), this led to formation of grassroots networks, including the India-Nepal Joint Action Forum (INJAF) through which civil society organisations and local communities could raise common riverine concerns with officials in their respective countries. Many women in the community participate in these programs, leading to development of women’s empowerment centres (Mahila Mandals).
