Ultimately, Bangladesh’s absence from the 10th edition of the T20 World Cup was the result of the BCCI’s ego and the ICC’s double standards where power politics and selective decision-making outweighed fairness and sporting integrity. Although many view the Pakistan Cricket Board’s support for Bangladesh positively, in reality it is also a strategic move to counter India for its own strategic benefit. If the match is boycotted, Bangladesh will suffer even greater financial and administrative losses.
Unlike earlier jihadist cells dominated by Pakistani nationals, this unit deliberately recruits women from Indonesia, the Philippines, Uzbekistan, and other foreign countries. Reason behind recruiting non-Pakistani nationals serves a dual purpose: it complicates attribution and shields Pakistan’s security apparatus from direct accountability. Such operational sophistication reflects ISI’s continued role not merely as a passive enabler but as an active architect of jihadist adaptation.
South Asia has the potential to be a global digital leader. It has a young population and a booming tech industry. However, this potential will only be realized if the region is secure. We must treat cybersecurity as a pillar of national security, just like border defense. This requires better technology, smarter laws, and stronger regional ties. The digital threats of 2026 are fast and complex. To meet them, South Asia must be faster and more united. The time to build a collective digital shield is now, before the next major crisis occurs.
Yet the strategic costs are real. Reduced engagement in Bangladesh risks ceding influence at a moment when Dhaka is actively diversifying its partnerships. Hesitation over Chabahar weakens India’s leverage in Iran and Central Asia and underscores its vulnerability to US pressure even as it seeks a more multipolar foreign policy. The 2026–27 Budget does not signal a dramatic shift in Indian foreign policy. There is no abandonment of neighbours-first rhetoric or of connectivity-led diplomacy. What it reveals instead is a narrowing circle of feasible economic action.
The hope for a better and more sustainable future now lies, first with the youth in the ages of 18-25, studying in the universities and higher education institutes. These youth would be the young decision-makers by 2030. That year would see the end of SDGs and expected to halve the GHGs emissions. By 2050, the youth of today would be at the helm of the affairs in business and government.
The region and the world should reconsider their policies toward Afghanistan and the Taliban. They must assist the Afghanistan people in forming a legitimate government and establish professional security forces. The Taliban are not a trustworthy partner in the fight against terrorism.
In the bustling city of Karachi, solar panels are becoming a common sight. Pakistan is investing heavily in renewable energy, aiming to generate 30% of its electricity from renewable sources by 2030
It is a fact that Pakistan's obsession with military power without attending to the roots of political exclusion and economic disparity has left its vulnerable masses base to the extremes.
Most analysts agree that there is no clear-cut winner and the race to the presidency is a multiple-horse race
What sets these protests apart was their apolitical nature, illustrating that regardless of how firmly a government may seem entrenched in power, movements grounded in just causes can expose the vulnerability of even the most resilient regimes, as recent events have clearly shown.
Cross-border arms and drug trafficking has always been there in the region, with recent reports suggesting large quantities of guns being shipped to Manipur from an illicit market located close to the border between China and Myanmar. Drugs are being used by the insurgent group to finance their procurement of arms and fund other illicit activities.
The Brussels-based think tank Egmont Institute, in a policy brief in April, said individual EU member States attach a lot of importance to their bilateral relationship with New Delhi and are interacting with the Indian government at the highest level. “However, visits of the leaders of the EU institutions to India are rare. One fails to see a real political interest in India from the Commission President and from the President of the European Council.”
China, Pakistan and Russia have clearly and unequivocally declared that they will exercise ‘FIRST USE OF NUKES’ option under certain circumstances. For China and Pakistan, India is the target. Yet our Chief of Defence Staff and premier think tank viz Centre for Air Power Studies, IDSA, USI and many others continue to ‘sing’ the outdated NFU policy.
The recurrent border killings have been a source of tension between India and Bangladesh. The government of Bangladesh has consistently urged India to implement non-lethal measures and exercise restraint in border management. In response, India has underscored the challenge of securing a frontier that is both expansive and permeable while also committing to reducing the use of lethal force.
Is it not time for India to set up a committee like the one in the UK to ensure the implementation of norms which combat misconceptions about other religions? In India many misconceptions are prevailing and no impactful effort has been undertaken to counter these. These misconceptions have spread very dangerously in society.
Afghanistan has turned into fertile ground for terrorist groups from around the world. If the flow of terrorism continues unchecked in Afghanistan, there is little doubt that the world could face another incident similar to 9/11, or perhaps something even worse. Today, Afghanistan has become a security black hole for the regional countries and the world overall.
The irony is that Manipur is where the Chinese and American interests coincide against India. But the need is to look at ourselves in the mirror. If we provide a readymade asymmetric battlefield to overt or covert inimical forces, why would they not exploit it?
The combative rise of China has challenged US hegemony in global relations. In such a world, the crafting of a foreign policy that ensures national security requires vigilance, patience, caution, economic and military clout, and more importantly, constant risk management that enables India to maintain its strategic autonomy.
Many fear that the Balochistan situation could lead to a 1971-like crisis that split the country due to centralised power, military operations against civilians, and foreign overreach. Why, then, have these lessons not been learned?
