These three Hindu girls converted to Islam in Ghotki, Sindh, Pakistan. But can any Islamists enlighten us on why all these conversions end up with marriage into Islam? Is marriage mandatory?

A recent report by Pakistan's National Commission on the Rights of the Child (NCRC) sheds light on the severe discrimination faced by minority children, particularly Hindus and Christians in Pakistan. Hindu girls are frequently abducted, forcibly converted to Islam. The girls are married to older men, with their families receiving little to no legal support. Many Hindu children remain trapped in bonded labour at brick kilns and farms, a consequence of poverty and deep-rooted social exclusion. In schools, they endure bullying from teachers and classmates, are compelled to study Islamic content under the national curriculum, and are consistently made to feel like outsiders. 

Most reported cases of violence come from Punjab province, though countless incidents go unrecorded as families fear retaliation. As per the report, the condition of Hindu and Christian minority children is pathetic as they are the most marginalised, burdened by stigma, poverty, and systemic neglect. What is alarming is that the Pakistani government seems politically unwilling to take action, raising serious concerns about the safety and dignity of Hindus living in a theocratic state. As religious intolerance increases in Pakistan, so does the practice of forced conversions. 

According to Amarnath Motumal, former vice chairperson of the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP), 20 or more Hindu girls are abducted and converted monthly in Pakistan. The number of documented cases of non-Muslim girls being compelled to marry Muslim men and convert to Islam as a result of their marriage has increased noticeably. Girls are forbidden to contact their families after being forced to convert. Those who return home are deemed traitors to the faith, which entails persecution and threats to their lives. 

Religious institutions play an essential role in maintaining the status quo, delaying the establishment of a specific legislative framework for forced conversions, and limiting the actions of police officers and judges involved after a case is recorded. Bharchundi Sharif, Sarhandi Pir, and Bharchundi Pirs are well-known religious institutions in Sindh that advocate forcible conversions of young Hindu females. 

All are purportedly supported by the Pakistan People's Party (PPP). They must be registered with the local shrines to conduct conversions. Despite this, most religious institutions need to check the nature of the transformation, and information offered by the abductor, which is frequently fraudulent, is routinely accepted. The certificates produced by these entities constitute official papers and can be used to justify infractions during investigations and trials. 

The Sindh Assembly unanimously enacted a bill against forced religious conversions in November 2016, marking a watershed moment for human rights and minority rights in the region—the Criminal Law (Minority Protection) Act. Due to pressure from influential conservative and radical Muslim groups, Sindh's then governor, Saeed-uz-Zaman Siddiqui, returned the measure without ratification two months later. Siddiqui died shortly after, and the bill is currently on hold.

Reality of Forced Conversions  

After their kidnapping, conversion, or forced marriage, many Hindu girls are coerced by their abductors into testifying against their parents in court. Out of fear for their lives and of their parents, the girls claim to have done so of their own volition, like Hema Yohana and Aqsa Rana of Karachi, Sindh. Forced converts frequently adopt an Islamic name while being referred to as "chuhri" (a pejorative for low caste and untouchable people). These girls get to know the truth about their kidnappers only after four or five months. However, they cannot consider returning home due to guilt, societal pressure, and family pressure. After a while, many are abducted, murdered, or forced into prostitution. When abductors are confronted about these girls, they remain silent. 90% of minority girls do not want to reveal the truth out of shame for their family or community.

If the victims become pregnant and the abductor's family or society does not accept their newborn, their future is dismal. If the newborn is a girl, the plight is worse. The victims are treated like slaves; if they return, no one will marry them. Young Dalit women and girls working in agriculture are particularly exposed to abuse, harassment, and rape. However, such cases are not covered by the Pakistani media. Only Kastoori Kolhan's rape became a high-profile case in the national and international media. 

Infringement of Minority Rights

Unfortunately, justice is also not meant for the poor and lower caste people. And the subaltern and the poor segment cannot alter their situation unless they oppose this injustice. And to fight for justice, they must be educated. The severity of this issue has forced even major international and global institutions, including the United Nations, the European Union, the United States Congress, and the United Kingdom Parliament, to express their concern on forced conversions in Pakistan and have urged the Pakistani government to take  necessary steps to end the heinous practice. 

Pakistan was ranked fifth on the Open Doors 2020 World Watch List of the 50 countries where it is most challenging to be a Christian. The United States added Pakistan to its list of nations that violate religious freedom on November 28, 2018, while USCIRF routinely identifies "forced conversions" as a critical infringement of minority rights in Pakistan. 

When it comes to forced marriage and forced conversion, the media in Pakistan is frequently silent. Many cases go unreported because influential locals and religious leaders pressure the press. Inadequate reporting and a lack of discourse on such a significant issue contribute to the social environment that favours forced conversions and weddings. If such practices had occurred in a different country for Muslim girls, how would the preachers of Islam and the media have reacted? 

(Medha Bhardwaj is a PhD candidate in School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. Akash Rawani is PhD candidate in Special Centre of National Security Studies, JNU, New Delhi. Views expressed are personal. They can be contacted at upadhyaymedha@gmail.com)