Pakistan needs to reshape priorities: Trim high defence budget, build positive ties with India

History has shown that whenever Pakistan sought peaceful relations with India, India responded positively. This held true during democratic governments and even during dictatorships in Pakistan.

Kishwer Baqar Oct 10, 2023
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Pakistan defence budget (Representational Photo)

Pakistan has been under severe economic crunches since its birth. There have been numerous and debatable attempts to get the country’s economy on track. But in vain...

How can we break free from the vicious cycle of approaching financial collapse and then seeking loans from the IMF or our friendly nations? It's a widely accepted fact that our defence budget is disproportionately high. The straightforward remedy is to trim down this budget and redirect the saved funds toward the betterment of our nation, bolstering scientific and technological research, enhancing education, improving healthcare, and supporting various critical infrastructure projects. However, the question remains: can we so easily reduce this budget and shift these resources to these essential sectors?

In response to this question, we must first ask why it is necessary to allocate such a substantial budget to defence sector. Are there genuine threats that justify this level of finance? It's widely proclaimed that Pakistan faces multiple threats, and among the foremost is the potential for hostile actions from India and, more recently, from Afghanistan as well. Additionally, there are ongoing separatist movements within the country, with Balochistan being the most prominent example. Furthermore, there's the presence of the TTP (Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan), which has declared jihad against the Pakistani government. Given these multifaceted threats, it appears that a significant defence budget is deemed necessary.

Deactivate the India threat 

So, the question remains: How can we go about reducing or cutting back on the defense budget? This simply means that we need to neutralize the active threats we are facing. The most enduring threat is the possibility of an Indian attack or an arms race with India. It's crucial to put an end to this competition, which is entirely possible. History has shown that whenever Pakistan sought peaceful relations with India, India responded positively. This held true during democratic governments and even during dictatorships in Pakistan.

The 1965 war was a misguided move by Ayub Khan, but he soon realized it didn't bring any benefits. In fact, the Tashkent Agreement favored India, leading to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's split from Gen Ayub Khan and the formation of his political party, the PPP. Later, General Zia-ul-Haq also recognized the futility of an arms race with India and chose a more peaceful approach. He even crossed the border to watch a cricket match in India.

Leaders like Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif made efforts to normalize relations with India. Pervez Musharraf, despite his misadventure like Kargil before coming to power, took prominent practical steps like Delhi-Lahore bus service Aman ki Asha etc to improve ties. Indian prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee visited Pakistan during Nawaz Sharif's government, and present Prime Minister Narendra Modi also visited Lahore during Nawaz's tenure.

Even the PTI government responded passively when India revoked the special status of Indian-administered Kashmir, indicating a willingness to avoid escalating tensions. Their calculated response to incidents like drone incursions and Indian jets crossing the border further shows a desire to prevent conflict. Deactivating the threat of an Indian attack is a top priority.

Address internal threats

The turmoil in Afghanistan has had significant repercussions, and we must acknowledge our share of responsibility for the situation. We are equally culpable for the chaos that has unfolded in Afghanistan, and now we are witnessing the same Taliban forces contributing to unrest in Pakistan. Therefore, the second crucial step is to earnestly endeavor toward achieving a peaceful, stable, and prosperous Afghanistan. If we can make progress in stabilizing Afghanistan, it should also facilitate improvements in Pakistan's overall security situation.

The third significant threat we need to address is the issue of separatist movements, particularly in Balochistan. It's essential to recognize that these individuals are our fellow countrymen. Those who aren't Punjabis are still Pakistanis and hold equal citizenship. To avoid repeating the same mistakes made with East Pakistan (now Bangladesh), we should change our approach. Instead of viewing Balochis as rebels, terrorists, or enemy forces, we must acknowledge them as our own people. If they have concerns and demands, we should listen to them and work towards meeting their needs. Table talks, negotiations, compromise, and a give-and-take approach are the only viable solutions when dealing with our own citizens. We cannot ignore the fact that they have felt neglected for a long time and deserve equal development, participation, and contribution.

Failure to address these issues within our own borders may create an opportunity for foreign forces to exploit weaknesses and pursue agendas that may not be in the best interest of a strong and united Pakistan. This may include a cry for help from West Pakistan now like there had been from the East in 1971.

Channelise resources to development

The threat posed by terrorist organizations like the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan and others must be effectively and diplomatically addressed. It's important to note that when support for these terrorist groups dwindles, they tend to lose strength and may eventually dissolve on their own. Therefore, tackling the root causes of support for such organizations from inside and outside (Afghanistan) is a crucial step in eliminating this threat. By addressing the underlying issues and working diplomatically to counter their influence, we can contribute to a safer and more stable Pakistan.

Having effectively dealt with or neutralized the various threats that once necessitated an exceptionally high defence budget, it begs the question: Do we still require such a sizable defence budget? At this point, it seems entirely feasible to considerably trim down the defence budget to a more reasonable level and channel those released resources into crucial sectors like development, healthcare, education, research, and infrastructure.

As one of my great teachers says, “Billions of dollars spent on defence, is the Billions of dollars NOT spent on education, health, infrastructure, research and development of the country”.

The second key guideline for ensuring a prosperous future for our country involves fostering robust relationships with all our neighboring nations. Pakistan is situated in a strategic location, surrounded by some of the world's largest economies and abundant resources. While our relationship with China is already strong, we must also focus on building positive ties with India, and promoting trade, commerce, tourism, and more. Instead of skipping Iran and prioritizing relations with countries like Saudi Arabia, we should develop strong ties with Iran, which is the second-largest producer of oil. Additionally, we should actively work towards achieving stability in Afghanistan, as this would enable us to tap into the vast hydrocarbon resources of Central Asian countries such as Tajikistan, Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, and others. Rather than engaging in superficial relationships with distant nations like Turkey, Malaysia, the USA, or Saudi Arabia, our primary focus should be nurturing and deepening connections with our immediate neighbors, creating enduring partnerships for mutual benefit.

(The author is an entrepreneur and lecturer on history and development studies at Iqra University, Army Public School And College (COD), Karachi, Pakistan. Views are personal. He can be contacted at kishwer@hotmail.com)

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