For India, the failure is particularly significant as its presidency was an opportunity to translate “strategic autonomy”, the current buzzword in foreign policy circles, into multilateral leadership. True, its response is shaped by structural constraints. The country imports more than 85% of its crude oil, much of it from West Asia and Russia. Some nine million of its citizens live in the Gulf. The United States is its largest trading partner. Iran anchors the Chabahar port project and India’s access to Afghanistan and Central Asia. Each relationship is too consequential to risk.
A key consideration for Delhi is Bhutan’s occasional denial or downplay of any Chinese encroachment on its territory, even when satellite data suggests otherwise. This is coupled with a growing perception within Bhutan that India is preventing it from completing its border negotiations with China. Although Thimphu remains closely aligned with Delhi, there is growing interest in expanding its engagement with China.
For India, the opportunity is significant as its robust digital infrastructure and large demographic dividend can create a significant opportunity for adoption and deployment of Artificial Intelligence across sectors, particularly in the care economy. There is an ample room for the development of age-friendly products and services using AI innovation which are of scalable commercial value.
South Asia's higher education ecosystem — with over 1,500 universities and 60 million enrolled learners — is uniquely positioned to absorb and scale new models: work-integrated degrees, on-demand micro-credentials, lifelong learning. The Global South — Africa, Southeast Asia, Latin America, the Middle East — shares the same structural challenges. The solutions that work at scale in India, Bangladesh or Nepal will travel naturally to these geographies.
Yet, no matter how effectively India strengthens its regional partnerships, the enduring challenge of Pakistan and rising Chinese influence cannot be overlooked. Geopolitical churn may reshape alignments, but Islamabad’s propensity for misadventures continues to demand vigilance, alongside engaging in backchannel diplomacy.
Demographic data show South Asia’s working-age population rose from 66.7% (2019) to 67.9% (2024), while the share in high-income countries fell from 65.6% to 64.7%. South Asia’s vast diaspora can further strengthen the region by leveraging knowledge networks, remittances, and investment flows.⁸
New Delhi recently received an official delegation from the Taliban government, led by Afghanistan’s Acting Foreign Minister — the first such visit since the formation of the Islamic Emirate in 2021
If trade tensions intensify, they could unravel years of progress in regional connectivity and energy integration. The same border that once symbolized shared progress could become a faultline of friction. Safeguarding these gains requires renewed dialogue, predictability, and partnership. Trade must be the foundation, not the faultline, of the Dhaka–Delhi relationship.
The movements in Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, and Nepal are a powerful reminder that South Asia's political landscape is being reshaped. A new generation, technologically savvy and politically aware, is unwilling to accept the status quo. The challenges are immense, but the opportunity for a more democratic, prosperous, and just future for the region is undeniable.
As Afghanistan struggles to rebuild, Bagram stands as both a scar and a lesson, a reminder of how intervention failed and how fragile independence can be. For India, backing the idea that no foreign power should return to that base is a way of saying the region must take responsibility for its own peace.
The time has come for New Delhi to consider formally recognizing the Taliban as Afghanistan’s legitimate government. The downsides are minimal; the strategic dividends substantial. Engagement would not mean endorsement of ideology but acknowledgment of geopolitical reality.
Taliban’s human rights record, particularly its regressive misogynistic policies are well known. No doubt developing relations with Taliban is a geostrategic requirement. But why did India have to ban women reporters from attending the joint press conference by the two foreign ministers?
The Modi-Trump conversation may appear transactional, but its implications are strategic. If the trade agreement concludes by November, it could mark a turning point, redefining not just tariffs, but the trajectory of India’s global engagement.
The Yunus-led interim government appears, at present, to be leaning toward China. That makes sense in the short term: Beijing offers quick cash, infrastructure projects, and military hardware without raising questions about democracy or human rights. Yet the government’s near-total neglect of India is strategically reckless. Geography cannot be wished away
Far from isolating Russia, weakening China, or bending India and Brazil to Washington’s will, Trump's policies are uniting the Global South in ways unthinkable just a decade ago. They are creating new supply chains, strengthening regional blocs, and forcing nations to embrace economic self-determination.
For now, Washington still holds the advantage at sea. Its fleets and bases across the Indo-Pacific keep Malacca under watch, reminding Beijing that maritime power remains America’s strongest card. But on land, China is advancing incrementally, building assets and leverage that could at some point tilt the balance. The contest between the American thalassocracy and China’s continental reach has only just begun.
While there would be several strategic reasons for India to invite Muttaqi to India, New Delhi’s decision is being seen by women of Afghanistan as a betrayal. Under the Taliban’s misogynist edicts, women have been deprived of most human rights, including the right to education and assembly, reduced to faceless entities in the background where the world appears to have forgotten they exist.
India is the world's second-largest producer and consumer of potatoes, with 51.30 million tons harvested in 2020. China leads the way, producing 78.24 million tons of potatoes in 2020. Together, the two nations account for more than one-third of global potato output (359.07 MT).
The politico-corporate nexus in India is a reality; corporates are given prized land since they substantially fund elections, because of which enormous bank loans given to them are written off periodically. In 2020, the government allotted 150 sq km of Ladakh pasture land to corporates with no safeguard to locals, who fear this may increase further, aggravating climate change and adversely affecting ecology.
