Sri Lanka stands at a crossroads. For decades, the idea of a land bridge across the Palk Strait has lingered in speeches and studies, yet it has never moved beyond paper. Against this backdrop, Indian High Commissioner Santosh Jha recently renewed the call for a land link between the two countries, declaring at the Global Innovation and Leadership Summit in Colombo that “the time for wavering is over.” 

His remarks highlight a broader reality: while New Delhi views the project as a pathway to regional prosperity, Colombo has yet to move beyond hesitation, constrained by lingering fears and ultra‑nationalist illusions. The question now is whether Sri Lanka’s leadership can rise to the moment and translate strategic geography into shared opportunity.

“Land connectivity via a bridge or tunnel across the Palk Strait has been discussed for decades. There are enough examples of such corridors across the world. The engineering is well understood. The economics are compelling. The benefits, wherever such bridges have been built, are unmistakable. But we continue to waver. Let me say clearly: the time for wavering is over. A fixed link between India and Sri Lanka would transform the economic geography of this entire region. It would make Sri Lanka the hub it aspires to be, in a way that no port expansion or airport upgrade can achieve on its own,” Jha stressed.

Proposal Repeatedly Surfaced and Shelved

The idea of a bridge across the Palk Strait, linking Rameswaram in Tamil Nadu with Talaimannar in northern Sri Lanka, was first proposed by Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe in 2002 during the Norwegian peace process. He named it the “Hanuman Bridge.” Later, Indian Road Transport Minister Nitin Gadkari submitted a feasibility study estimated at US$3.6 billion. Yet, the proposal has repeatedly surfaced only to be shelved. Against this backdrop, New Delhi has once again revived the matter.

The idea of a land bridge between India and Sri Lanka dates back to British colonial rule, when officials considered building one to ease the movement of plantation workers between Tamil Nadu and the island. Historical records indicate that in the late 19th century, the British seriously examined the feasibility of constructing a bridge across the 35‑kilometre stretch of sea to facilitate the transfer of tea and rubber plantation labourers.

Wickremesinghe’s proposal was similarly rooted in economic logic. However, a lack of political stability kept the project confined to discussion. Even when Wickremesinghe reintroduced it in 2023 during his visit to New Delhi, it was once again shelved. Following the ouster of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa in July 2022, Wickremesinghe was elected president by members of the Rajapaksa‑led Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna.

Turning Geography Into Economic Advantages

The JVP‑led National People’s Power government, elected in 2024, has yet to articulate a clear vision for the project. Although it has maintained cordial ties with New Delhi, its stance mirrors the reluctance of previous administrations. This hesitation prompted High Commissioner Jha’s renewed appeal. 

Sri Lanka, a small nation situated along one of the world’s most strategic sea routes, has struggled to translate its geography into economic advantage. Even if the civil war is cited as an excuse, 16 years have passed since its end with little progress. Opposition to the bridge is largely rooted in fears that Sri Lanka would become a client state of India, discouraging other partners from engaging with Colombo. 

The Singapore-Malaysia Causeway

Yet this argument is speculative and weak. The Singapore–Malaysia land link, for instance, has not undermined sovereignty but has instead strengthened economic growth.

The one‑kilometre Johor–Singapore Causeway spans the Straits of Johor, an international tidal strait in Southeast Asia between Singapore and Peninsular Malaysia. It is one of the busiest border crossings in the world and serves as a vital land link supporting trade and talent flows between the two nations. The causeway accommodates an average of 350,000 travellers and 100,000 vehicles daily. During peak periods, such as school holidays, crossings exceed 400,000 per day. Singapore’s Immigration and Checkpoints Authority projects that by 2050 daily traveller numbers will reach 400,000.

Sri Lanka can draw lessons from this example as best practice in managing land connectivity between two nations across a strait. 

Benefits to Sri Lanka

A detailed report titled Bridging the “Palk Strait: Assessing Indo-Lanka Land Connectivity” by Shahane De Silva, published by the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA), challenges misconceptions rooted in false narratives. The report notes: “Naturally, this is inherently advantageous given that India is Sri Lanka’s largest trading partner. The proposed land bridge will reduce the time and cost of Indo-Lanka trade, while enabling Sri Lankan firms to integrate with supply chains in southern India, thereby promoting industrial development in Sri Lanka, particularly in the north and east … Furthermore, the land bridge has the potential to improve Colombo Port’s competitiveness in facilitating Indian transshipment, a necessity in positioning Sri Lanka as the gateway to India and, thereby, the hub of the Indian Ocean.”

The report highlights in detail how the land bridge could deliver significant economic benefits to Sri Lanka, while dispelling fictional fears. It states: “The fear that the land bridge will stoke secession in the north and east again stems from a misunderstanding of the root causes of the movement. It was the result of severe Tamil discrimination in the post-independence years and the subsequent unwillingness to accommodate the Tamil community’s desire for a measure of self-governance in the north and east.”

Two eminent Sri Lankan economists, Gayasha Samarakoon and Muttukrishna Sarvananthan, in their comprehensive paper Economic Rationale for the Proposed Bridge between India and Sri Lanka: An Analytical Perspective (published by Routledge Taylor & Francis), similarly emphasize the immense potential of the bridge to revolutionize India–Sri Lanka trade and stimulate multifaceted economic development in both nations. Their findings highlight that, by reducing transport costs, invigorating trade, and uplifting underdeveloped regions, the bridge could usher in a new era of economic prosperity and inclusive growth for both countries.

Need to Get Over Hesitation

The current government, while realist in handling foreign policy, must break from the wavering approach of the past. It is reasonable to weigh long‑term pros and cons, but this should begin with an India–Sri Lanka Experts’ Conference to examine the issues and chart a way forward. Such a forum could address concerns, explore technical feasibility, and build consensus on the economic and strategic benefits.

Neutrality and balance — Colombo’s habitual vocabulary — have yielded little economic benefit. Ultimately, Sri Lanka slid into bankruptcy. Given this background, the land link is not merely a strategic starting point but a necessity. India’s strategic position on Sri Lanka is perennial; whether the bridge is built or not, India’s concerns remain fundamental. As an immediate neighbour and rising global power, India will not allow rivals to use Sri Lanka as a base.

The hesitation of successive governments reflects not only caution but also a deeper failure of political governance. While fears of dependency dominate the discourse, the reality is that Sri Lanka already relies heavily on India for trade, investment, and strategic support. A bridge would not create dependency; rather, it would formalise and expand existing ties, delivering tangible benefits to both nations.

Ultimately, the debate over the land link is a test of leadership. The choice before Sri Lanka is clear: continue to retreat behind outdated fears, or embrace the promise of connectivity. The decision will shape the island’s future and determine whether it can convert strategic geography into lasting prosperity.

(The author is Founding Director, Centre for Strategic Studies–Trincomalee (CSST), Sri Lanka, and a geopolitical analyst. Views expressed are personal. He can be contacted at jjathi@gmail.com / director@trincocss.org / www.trincocss.org.)